Slobodan and Mirjana Milosevic
The Dysfunctional Couple That Destroyed the Balkans
A Psychoanalytic and Psychohistorical Inquiry

Joan Jutta Lachkar, Ph.D.
Submitted to the
ESSAY PRIZE IN PSYCHOANALYSIS AND CULTURE
2003

"Slobodan and Mirjana Milosevic: The Dysfunctional Couple That Destroyed the Balkans, a Fantasy Analysis with an Application to the Serbia-Kosovo Conflict.” Unpublished paper presented at the annual meeting of the International Psychohistorical Association (IPA), New York, June 2000 (also submitted for essay prize)
 

ABSTRACT

This paper applies psychoanalytic and psychohistorical insights to the understanding of the recent events in Kosovo, through an analysis of Serbia’s first couple. It illuminates the dynamics and primitive defenses of the Milosevic couple from a psychoanalytic and psychohistorical perspective. The interaction of the couple is viewed as a narcissistic/borderline relationship, whereby each one stirs up some unresolved unconscious fantasy in the other. There is not only a “dance” between the couple, but also a “dance” between their psychodynamics. Also discussed are the dynamics of the relationship between the Serb leader and Serb masses, against the background of their child rearing practices and treatment of women. The theoretical approach draws mainly from self-psychology, object relations, group psychology, and psychohistory. The paper also provides a dramatization, or “Fantasy Analysis,” of what would occur if the Milosevic couple came in for conjoint treatment. The mock session is not an example of the therapist’s technique, and its relevance is of a psychohistorical nature, rather than a psychotherapeutic one.

The Role of Psychohistory

I first ventured into psychohistory by delving into the Middle Eastern historical, mythological, psychological, and religious past. I observed the political interaction between the Arabs and the Jews, their “dance,” and felt compelled to understand what it is that bonds/binds individuals or groups in on-going, circular, painful battles, whereby conflict resolution becomes virtually impossible. I referred to two recurring myths in the Bible and the Koran which had significance in fueling the Arab-Israeli conflict. The first myth is the belief that Jews are God’s “chosen people” (a narcissistic diagnosis), and the second that the Arabs are an “orphan” society, the “abandoned” children of God (a borderline diagnosis). Derived from these mythic origins are old hurts and injuries deeply rooted in age-old sentiments that continually resurface, giving rise to many shared collective group fantasies. It also appeared to me that the Arab-Israeli conflict had striking similarities to conflicts in marital discord between narcissistic and borderline personalities that I had observed in my fledgling clinical practice. This confluence of psychoanalysis and psychohistory led to my doctoral dissertation “The Arab-Israeli Conflict: A Psychoanalytic Study” (Lachkar, 1983), a kind of a marriage of psychoanalysis and psychohistory. As my practice grew, I began to notice more and more couples that could be classified as narcissistic and borderline, which led publication of my first book, The Narcissistic/Borderline Couple: A Psychoanalytic Perspective on Marital Treatment (Lachkar, 1992).

What is it that perpetuates conflict and makes individuals sacrifice their own lives and resort to self-destructive behavior? To find these answers we need to begin by analyzing cultural patterns handed down from generation to generation, embedded in the very identity of the group, and expressed through myths, ideology, religion, and childrearing practices.

For decades, critics have questioned whether psychologists have had any business considering moral and political issues. Is there justification for analyzing groups in individual terms, let alone applying diagnostic categories? Many claim that it is difficult enough making distinctions between individuals, let alone in a group diagnosis. For a long time psychotherapists have shied away from psychohistory, claiming that we are a group of non-scientific dramatists making wild speculative interpretations. After all, psychotherapy was originally intended for the individual.

Psychoanalysis is to the individual dreamer what psychohistory is to the culture’s mythology, and it is currently crystallizing as an important method of historical research and discipline (Loewenberg, 1985). The psychohistorical study of group psychodynamics offers a wealth of knowledge into the primitive nature of these yet to be discovered emotional regions. On a more grandiose note, I assumed that, since one can understand Arabs and Jews, why not other warring relationships?

The Milosevices as a Narcissistic/Borderline Couple

If I were doing conjoint therapy with the Milosevices, I would diagnose them as a narcissistic/borderline, the kind of couple I have described in my book on marital therapy. Because of the dominance of omnipotence, self-involvement, grandiosity, pomposity, excessive entitlement and demands for power, I would diagnose Slobodan as the narcissist. Because of the perverse way Mirjana manipulates and fuses with her husband, I would diagnose her as the borderline (those dominated by retaliation, abandonment, and a “false self”). Basking in the reflection of the Serb leader’s gaze and power, she mirrors his every act. Her “false self” and tendency to collude with her husband’s aggression and horrific acts of destruction are sufficient to support a diagnosis of a borderline disorder. Although, they do not appear to be in conflict with one another, both share a delusional system, a folie a deux, akin to Siamese twins tied at the borders of denial and victimization.

Defining a Narcissistic/Borderline Relationship

The narcissistic/borderline relationship examines a particular kind of relational bond, which I have clinically observed and diagnosed as the narcissistic/borderline couple. An individual with a borderline character is inclined to attract as an object choice a narcissistic personality. I then speculate as to what it is that bonds/binds these partners together and why they stay in collusive and/or painful conflictual relations. These are two personality types who enter into a “dance,” that fulfills and stirs up each other’s conscious and unconscious needs. The revelations are that each partner needs the other to play out his or her own personal relational drama. Within these beleaguered relationships are developmentally arrested people who bring together old hurts, sentiments, traumas, and archaic injuries. In conjoint psychotherapy, it is noted how certain dynamic mechanisms of the narcissist (guilt, grandiosity, idealization, withdrawal) can arouse intense anxieties in the borderline, and conversely, how the dynamics of the borderline (shame, envy, splitting, massive denial, abandonment, persecutory anxieties) arouse intense feelings of guilt and self-hatred in the narcissist. These couples enter into what I have referred to as “a dance,” characterized by their ongoing, circular never-ending patterns of behavior to understanding that conflict.

The Narcissist

The narcissist is the special child of God, who has an exaggerated sense of self, is preoccupied with self, has excessive entitlement fantasies, and when not properly mirrored will respond with withdrawal or isolation. The most common archaic injury is the mother who usurped the child from number one position of “His Majesty the Narcissist,” as he is replaced from the throne of the high chair to make way for a new sibling. Narcissists often live in narcissistic nostalgia, always yearning to recapture the time when mommy and baby were once living in perfect harmony and symbiotic bliss. They grow up believing the world owes them something, are dominated by such defenses as guilt, idealization, omnipotence, grandiosity, lack of empathy for others, and will relentlessly hold to archaic hurts and injuries. When the personal sense of pride has been threatened, they will respond with narcissistic rage. Because dependency needs stir up such intolerable states of vulnerability, narcissists cannot tolerate having needs and unwittingly project them into others. They confuse healthy dependency needs with parasitic ones and bond with underdog types (victims, borderlines, dependent personalities) “It’s is you that is the needy one! Me! I don’t need anyone. I don’t need you and I don’t need this treatment!”

Different Kinds of Narcissists

Expanding beyond the domain of ordinary narcissism, there are many different kinds of narcissists. The grandiose self is the emotional virus that infects and invades the relational love bond. There is the anti-social narcissist, histrionic narcissist, obsessive-compulsive narcissist, depressive narcissist, but for our purposes here I would like to call attention to the “malignant” narcissist. At the domestic level, although the “malignant” narcissist may not be a national figure or a ruthless dictator, but he may be a powerful, aggressive, and controlling partner. The object bond between a sadistic partner and a paralyzed victim is a familiar clinical theme (Kernberg, 1992). Usually, the “malignant” narcissist is a leader, someone who acts out his omnipotent sadistic fantasies under the guise of a “good cause.” (Slobodan Milosevic fits this description: “We drove out the Kosovars for a good cause.”) The good cause thus becomes the rationale for their destructive acts. These leaders also exhibit psychopathic features: sadism, paranoia, and self-righteous attitudes.

The Borderline

The borderline is the one dominated by shame/blame defenses, persecutory, abandonment anxieties, and such primitive defenses as splitting, projection, projective identification, omnipotent denial and magical thinking. Borderline patients often form parasitic bonds to maintain some semblance of relatedness (addictions, abusive relations, suicidal threats, psychosomatic illness). Because the borderline does not have much of a sense of self, they tend to fuse, collude or go along with their objects. “I’ll do anything, just don’t leave me!” Unlike the narcissist, the borderline does not feel entitled, is continually questioning his/her identity, and will do anything to prove they exist. Searching for the excitement often becomes the replacement for intimate attachments to offset internal deadness. “When I mutilate myself, it hurts, but at least I know I’m alive.” When threatened, borderlines tend to lash out with retaliatory responses (Lachkar, 1992, 1998), and will spend the rest of their remaining lives, getting back, getting even to those who have betrayed or abandoned them (real or imagined). As a consequence the borderline personality has poor impulse control, poor reality testing, impaired judgment, and cannot learn from experience. Borderlines frequently perpetuate the cycle by repeating the same behavior again and again. Through traumatic bonding, they enact the painful experience, either self or other inflicted.

Theoretical Contributors

Psychoanalytic insights add a great deal to our understanding of this political and relational conflict. The following are some contributors whose theories have informed this study.

Melanie Klein
Klein took the focus off Freud’s emphasis on the father toward the importance of the infant’s bond to the mother and the breast, as crucial to the child's development. She distinguished between the "good” and “bad” breast, claiming that if the infant internalizes a "good breast" that child will grow up to feel the world if a warm and loving place. If, on the other hand, the child internalizes a "bad breast" that child may grows up experiencing the world as hostile, dangerous and persecutory environment. According to Klein, a child, a patient (let alone a group or a government), cannot grow or develop without the capacity to mourn, grieve, face losses, tolerate guilt, and take responsibility for past transgressions. Klein (1957) derived two positions, each having their own corresponding anxieties: (1) the paranoid schizoid position (persecutory anxiety) and (2) the depressive position (depressive anxiety). The movements between the paranoid schizoid and the depressive positions are crucial for integration, as are the infant’s capacity to move from a state of fragmentation to that of wholeness. Within these positions, Klein entertained us with a drama of psychodynamic structures comprised of many intricate interrelated dynamics (shame, guilt, envy, jealousy, and greed) as primary forces interacting within a primitive internal world. People, groups and nations who do not come to terms with guilt of past transgressions (abuse, violence, torture, war crimes) never enter the depressive position, a state of reparation, where genuine expressions of remorse, along with the wish to repair the damage (Lachkar & Berton, 1997). I think these two positions are particularly important in understanding conflict.

Wilfred Bion
Bion (1959) made major contributions to our understanding of group dynamics. (See Group Psychology/Leaders and Myths and Work Group and Basic Assumption Group sections, below.)

W.R.D. Fairbairn
In both political and relational conflict, the question often arises, “Why do people stay in painful conflictual relations?” Why can’t they merely bargain or negotiate? Fairbairn (1940), more than anyone, has offered insights that go beyond Klein to help us understand why people remain bonded to bad or painful external or internal objects. He constructed an entire internal object world comprised of multitudinous internal objects. He established two forms of attachments: (1) the craving for a tantalizing, frustrating, sadistic, betraying or unavailable object, and (2) the bond to the unloving insatiable object. Kosovo, as the sacred space of the Serbs in this study, may be seen as both the tantalizing and abandoning object. These dynamic structures provide further meaning as to why people will remain forever faithful to a bad object. One’s devotion to a bad object, according to Fairbairn, is preferable to “no object” at all (annihilation anxiety fears).

Otto Kernberg
Kernberg’s (1995) understanding of the use or misuse of aggression provides valuable guidelines to our understanding of regressive love bonds. He describes different kinds of love bonds, distinguishing between the normal and the pathological. His premise is that in normal love, the relationship overcomes conflict. In pathological love, conflict overpowers the relationship. It is aggression that goes in the wrong direction, implying that people who have been traumatized are like emotional cripples because they link their defenses to eroticism and sexual excitement. When primitive defenses (like envy) take over, they dominate and infect the love bond. Just think what happens when highly eroticized emotional sadomasochistic relational ties are operative in political groups?

Donald Winnicott
Winnicott (1965) offers us three basic important concepts: (1) the therapeutic holding environment, (2) the importance of bonding via different kinds of mothering experiences, and (3) the importance of the transitional space. These concepts are crucial for the safety and freedom of the patients’ free associations and free floating thoughts. The holding environment and transitional space are crucial to the argument of this paper, because children who grow up in abusive environments are more likely to act out in destructive ways and turn to regressive and primitive defenses. Governments that suppress democracy and human rights deprive people of their most fundamental needs.

Primitive Defenses and Psychodynamics

Just as there is a dance between the couple, there is also a dance between their psychodynamics, between splitting and projective identification, shame and guilt, envy and jealousy, omnipotence and dependency, and attachment and detachment. Let us examine these concepts.

Splitting vs. Projective Identification

Klein (1957) offers us two major concepts which she refers to as splitting and projective identification. Splitting relates to ambivalence toward the object and persecutory anxiety as it occurs in the paranoid schizoid position. In this stage the infant cannot maintain the notion that mother is both good and bad, “Mother is good when she is here, but bad when she is not here.” In the depressive position, the healthy child is able to integrate good and bad, make decisions, and has a clearer view of reality. Projective identification is a primitive form of communication for getting rid of intolerable anxiety. It is an unconscious psychic process, whereby one disclaims some unwanted or disavowed aspect of the self, and translocates it into another (partner or perceived enemy). The projector’s primary aim is to unconsciously coerce the other to behave in a certain way. It is the nature of projective identification that weakens the psyche, strips the self (or the group) of resources, and generates helplessness. Part of projective identification is the introjective/projective process. It is most effective in showing how one person (group or leader), can project a negative feeling into the other, and how the other is inclined to identify or over-identify with that which is being projected. When there is early trauma, the intensity of these internal introjections are felt to be tantamount to flaming bombs ready to explode.

Shame vs. Guilt

Shame is inextricably linked to dependency needs, and is the virus that invades the psyche. It is more pronounced than guilt and occurs in the paranoid schizoid position, and a matter between the person the group or society.

Guilt is a higher form of development than shame and has an internal punitive voice which operates at the level of the superego. It occurs in the depressive position, followed by the desire to make reparation, to take responsibility for past acts, transgressions or wrongdoings. Shame is associated with isolation and being abandoned from the group, tribe or society. Guilt is a reaction against an act of doing and the remorse for that act (Lansky, 1995). Shame is the preoccupation with what others think, while guilt is primarily a matter between a person and his conscience.

Although it is beyond the scope of this paper to expand on different kinds of guilt, it is noteworthy to mention that guilt can also relate to a sadistic superego, a superego running amok. Ethnic cleansing is an example of this type, the need to cleanse in order to get rid the “dirty Jews” or the “dirty Kosovars.”

Envy vs. Jealousy

Envy, a part object relationship, is destructive in nature, and is considered to be the most primitive and fundamental emotion. It is not based on love, and its intent is to destroy that which is envied. Jealousy, on the other hand, is a whole object relationship, whereby one desires the object, but does not seek to destroy it. It has a healthy component in that one desires to be part of the oedipal unit, the pack, or the group.

Omnipotence vs. Dependency

The discussion of omnipotence and dependency is crucial in this analysis, because children whose formative years are insufficient in maternal caretaking capacities grow-up never learning how to develop healthy dependency attachments. In order to ward off intolerable feelings of smallness and helplessness, the child grows up with a fantasy that it is bad to have needs, and will therefore project "needy” selves onto others. “It is you that is the needy one, the disgusting one, not me!” Omnipotence is the flip side of dependency. The omnipotent ones are those who never need anything, want anything, because they have it all. “I don’t need you, I don’t need your advice, and I don’t need this treatment.”

Attachment vs. Detachment

Attachment theory is based on the work of John Bowlby (1982), one of the first to recognize the importance of early attachment ties to maternal caretakers. He observes that when children are raised in abusive or deprived environments, severe disruptions with bonding occur. The loss of the object is accompanied by the infant’s increasing signs of helplessness, hopelessness, and despair. When this occurs the infant goes into detachment mode or pathological mourning. Apathy, lethargy and listlessness become the replacement for affective experience (anger, rage, envy, betrayal, and abandonment). Detachment is not to be confused with denial and withdrawal. Bowlby stresses that when one withdraws, one still maintains a certain libidinal tie to the object, however when one detaches, one goes into a state of despondency. Children who are left alone or are neglected over long periods of time, enter into a phase of despair.

These concepts are essential to support the arguments in this paper, especially when discussing people capable of committing acts of mass destruction. There is a direct correlation between detachment and those who can commit mass acts of murder.

Group Psychology/Leaders and Myths

Leaders who concretize and give meaning to the groups’ ideologies form a powerful and intimate connection with the group’s shared myths and delusional fantasies. Primitive aspects in groups demonstrate how individuals form intense attachments or identifications with leaders. Groups often form a “trance” or an intense identification with a charismatic leader, who best offers the promise to: (1) play out the group’s mythological fantasies, and (2) play out the group’s aggression. Aggression is addictive, becomes exciting, people get hooked (Gay, 1986). Aggression and cruelty reinforces the libidinal ties in groups, as long as there are outsiders into which to project and blame (enemies/scapegoats). When one is vulnerable, one is more inclined to identify, fuse with, or act in complicity with any leader who offers any semblance of bonding (Lachkar, 1993).

Let us review briefly Freud and Bion’s concepts of group dynamics. According to Freud (1955), group formation involves a process whereby each individual in the group surrenders his own ego-ideal and, through idealization, gives it over to the group leader. similar to an hypnotic trance. Bion (1959) added another dimension to group process, projective identification. Expanding Freud’s concept of the ego ideal, he realized that tensions evolve as the group assigns itself certain group fantasies. The group fragments, divides into subgroups, pairs-off, or acts overly dependent in order to evacuate painful anxieties (relinquishing all individual thinking to the collective group self).

Work Group and Basic Assumption Group

In his seminal work, Bion (1959) highlights two kinds of groups: (1) The work group is a rational-thinking group; members are task/reality oriented, and its primary concern is the achievement of goals; and (2) the basic assumption group is the regressed group whose members function on the basis of blame/shame, fight/flight, and parasitic bonds. Work group members are acknowledged for their creativity, individuality, and rely more on thinking than dogma or group ideology. In the basic assumption group, the inclination is toward irrational, non-thinking process, whose sole purpose is “emotional” survival. Each basic assumption group qualifies a different leader. The pairing “blame/shame” group calls for a savior, messiah like Gandhi. The “fight-flight” group seeks a battle leader like Saddam Hussein. The dependent parasitic group, the most regressed, chooses the most malignant or pathological leader like Hitler or Milosevic.

Identification with Leaders

Often these are charismatic leaders, who are paranoid, and/or schizophrenic, and pathologically disturbed. Milosevic, for example, is a pathological narcissist with antisocial features, a fascist, and a psychopath (Doder, 1999). Leaders who play-out these myths, express the group’s dysfunctionality, and form a most powerful and intimate connection with the group. Just as individuals can identify with an abusive mate, so can individuals in groups identify with a destructive/sadistic leader. The leader knows how to play on the group’s omnipresent fear of imminent danger (real or imagined) from outside forces. In regressive dependency groups, blame, attack, retaliation, getting back at any cost are dominant features. Themes such as “Drive the Jews into the Sea,” “Return to the Land of Milk and Honey,” “Land for Peace,” “Save Serbia,” are too familiar themes. When tensions surge, members resort to shame/blame, fight/flight, and scapegoating. The group searches for an enemy for the blame and enemy and a leader/messiah who will save the group from calamity.

Leaders who are most likely to survive are the ones who best perpetuate the group’s ideologies, mythologies, and collective group fantasies.

Child Rearing Practices and Treatment of Women in the Balkans

There is a direct correlation between harsh child rearing practices, low self-esteem, violence, cruelty and murder (deMause, 2000). Life in Serbia, and the Balkans in general, is filled with oppression; violence and beatings are familiar themes in countries that do not stress the importance of child development. Alenka Puhar’s (1993, 1994) chilling account of child rearing includes swaddling, severe neglect, beating, burning, and sexual violations of children, as well as torturous ritualistic procedures to ward off evil spirits. She recounts endless stories of mothers awaking their children in the middle of the night beating and screaming at them, making them promise to obey: “We will never again do what we did.” Unless the promise is given, the beating continues. Children grow up to fear even more than war, nocturnal apparitions and ubiquitous evil spirits lurking in the shadows, appearing anytime to haunt them. When children are raised in such horrific, deprived conditions, and where mothers are tortured and abused, they become a product of “poison containers” or “toxic breasts” (deMause, 1974).

Women are subordinate to men, but are raised to do men’s work. Pregnancy is not treated as a sensitive period in women’s lives, and as a matter of fact a pregnant woman in rural areas was expected to excuse herself from work, go to the barn to deliver the baby, and return to work in the fields. Women are not allowed to display any affection to their husbands, or to cuddle or breast feed their infants in front of men. In marital relations, sex is rough, brutal, and often at the sadistic demands of the husband. Even worse, women are expected to bear this extreme oppression, humiliation and violence in silence.

One might conclude that violence directed toward women is rooted in extreme envy, enacted by adult men deprived of maternal affection, fueling sadistic ties with victimized women.

The Couple

Slobodan Milosevic

Slobodan (Slobo) Milosevic, President of Serbia (and Yugoslavia), is a ruthless tyrannical leader intoxicated with power, often known as the butcher of the Balkans (Doder, 1999), a man brutally invested in killing and mass destruction. He is an ultra-nationalist and former communist and the first head of state to be indicted by the United Nations war crimes tribunal in the Hague on charges of masterminding the mass killings and deportations of ethnic Albanians in the separatist province of Kosovo. A pathological liar, one who never keeps his promises, he will do anything to maintain power. Even after suffering defeat, Milosevic still remains in power as another Saddam Hussein or Moammar Qaddafi (Doder, 1999). Even the opposition party, the Serbian Renewal Movement, is “paralyzed by fear, despair and a feeling of helplessness” (New York Times, 2000). How can a man commit such heinous crimes and horrific acts of terror against his fellow men and yet still portray an image of a benevolent father figure? Since very little is known or written about Milosevic, we can only speculate on the unconscious forces that compel him to commit such atrocities.

Slobo was born the son of an Orthodox priest, not an advantage in atheistic communist Yugoslavia. As a youth, we were described as a moody child, a recluse, a loner, and he displayed depressive qualities in response to an intense, lonely childhood. In 1962, while he was in college, his father committed suicide, as did his uncle some years later. We can only speculate that the remainder of his life was filled with much anger and rage, which invariably led to an avoidance of feelings and a splitting-off of powerful emotions. His mother was also similarly steeped in lifelong trauma and tragedy. Slobo married Mirjana Miletic, a bright woman and later a professor of sociology at the University of Belgrade, whose life was equally traumatic (see below). The young Milosevic became a professional communist functionary and steadily advanced in the ranks.

His big break came in 1987, when he went to Kosovo, an autonomous district of Yugoslavia, but an area sacred to all Serbs as their symbolic motherland because it was the site of their greatest defeat in a battle with the Turkish conquerors in the fourteenth century. Paradoxically, Kosovo by the end of the twentieth century was inhabited largely by ethnic Albanian Kosovars. The long-term Yugoslav dictator Tito played off the many nationalities of his country against each other, and the Albanians in Kosovo had almost unlimited autonomy, discriminating against the minority ethnic Serbs. On April 24, 1987, Milosevic faced a crowd of angry, abused Serbs in a suburb of Pristina, the capital of Kosovo. Standing on a balcony, he declared dramatically, “No one will ever dare to beat you again!” The crowd responded ecstatically, “Slobo, Slobo!” and in a fervor of nationalistic pride one could hear echoes, “Serbia at any cost!” Serb victimization was so deeply embedded in Serb nationalism that any reminder stirred up enormous emotions. The impact was mesmerizing. Suddenly, Milosevic became the provider, the longed for “caretaker” for starving, deprived Serb “babies.”

Thus, the depressed, powerless, and helpless Slobodan became a powerful father icon, the omnipotent, all-encompassing father under the guise of “the caretaker.” One might interpret that he learned to become his own protective father, by learning how to manipulate people, becoming the savior for the victimized Serbs. By relinquishing his own victimized self into the Serbs, he projected and gave up the most vulnerable part of himself: “I’m no longer the needy little depressed boy; I am all powerful!” Power then became the antigen against depression: “Never again will I feel dead. Now I am alive and rejoined with my family of Serbs!” Slobodan learned well the powerful forces behind the group’s vulnerabilities, and discovered how to play out the unconscious fantasies of the group’s mythology.

Mirjana Milosevic

As an infant, Mira’s mother, Vera Miletic, a member of Tito’s partisan resistance during the war, was captured and tortured by the Gestapo. Upon her release, Vera was suspected of being a traitor because under interrogation and torture she was said to have divulged the names of her comrades. Shortly thereafter, Vera was killed by her fellow partisans. Nonetheless, Mira held an idealistic image of her mother as a heroic visionary, and became a ruthless devotee of communism. After the death of her mother, Mira’s father, like Slobodan’s father, abandoned her and formed a new family of his own. Being rejected by her father caused her to cling even more fiercely to the memory of her late mother, who she believed was a victim of the party to which she was forever devoted. Mira then stayed with her grandparents, where she spent most of her time being a caretaker to them (Silber, 1999).

Aside from teaching and being Slobodan’s supportive and devoted political partner, Mira spent most of her life preoccupied with trying to clear her mother’s name. One would wonder why a woman in the Balkans could take on such a strong role. One explanation might be that women in Serbia had to do men’s work. Homemaking and domesticity were not only considered fruitless and useless tasks for women, but ridiculous ones as well (Puhar, 1993, 1994). For Mira, identifying with a male figure served as a mask to disguise her hatred of men. Having been betrayed by a father who abandoned her, her regression to her mother’s icon triggered paranoid delusions. Mrs. Milosevic fits the model of a paranoid borderline personality, one who is not heavily grounded, but one who magnificently enacts a “false self” (the self that belies the “true self”) and will do anything to get back at the father. Through this “false self” she insidiously uses her husband as an instrument to play out her most virile aggressive fantasies.

Caretaker Roles and Folie a Deux

In their delusional system, or in their narcissistic/borderline dance, Slobo and Mira Milosevic play into each other’s conscious and unconscious repressed fantasies as they assign themselves to “caretaker roles” and embark upon ways to capitalize on their own victimized selves. Both were products of unhappy families and brutal childrearing, and were depressed, lonely children. They created their own singular world. Slobo’s grandiose narcissistic self-parading as the newly found messianic leader feeds into Mira’s vengeful plight. In return, her rage feeds into his national and political self-serving interests. Many Serbs felt that it was Mira, inflamed by her own bitterness and revengeful self, who pushed Slobo towards the pinnacle of power. Those who knew Mira personally will suggest that she would drive her husband using whatever malignant and absolute influence over him to take the entire country over the cliff (much akin to the borderline personality who will do anything to get back or get even).

This poses the classic example of groups who readily identify with group leaders who have had disjointed traumatic childhood.
There is a folie a deux between the Serb couple, but there is also a folie a deux between the individual and his or her culture. For Slobo, it is the shame of a deprived and depressive childhood, reinforced by a culture that discourages maternal affection. For Mira, it is the bitterness from early maternal deprivation and loss, reinforced by a society that ignores women’s vulnerabilities and dependency needs, and stresses predominant “male” traits. Mira crusaded in support of her husband’s relentless quest for power, fueling his split-off deprived and dependent self. In return, Slobo’s grandiose self and ruthless aggression ignited her victimized and retaliatory self.

Fantasy Analysis

Now for the imagination. What follows is a “fantasy” case. What would happen if Mr. and Mrs. Milosevic came for conjoint therapy? In this “session” the therapist is very confrontational, but again, it is not a display of the therapist’s technique because in reality no therapist would respond in the way that is presented. The main point is to bring life to the “folie a deux,” as the drama of the private madness unfolds.

Therapist: Tell me what brings you here?

Mrs. M: We feel depressed. Our people are turning against us.

Mr. M: Not only that we feel betrayed, we are angry. After all we did for our people, they are beginning to doubt our integrity.

Th: What did you do for you people?

Mrs. M: What did we do? We protected them, we provided for them we gave them everything.

Mr. M: When I heard about all the wrongdoings to the Serbs by the Kosovars, I was stunned. I stood out on my porch facing a crowd Serbs and declared. “No, one will ever dare to beat you again!” At that moment I felt I was master. The crown began to cheer and roar.

Th: You became the fantasized protective daddy for them, the messianic leader / savior?

Mr. M: What do you mean fantasized? I am the protective leader!

Mrs. M: He’s right, the crowd hailed. “Slobo, Slobo!” with a fervor of intense nationalistic pride.

Mr. M: We could hear the echoes, Serbia, Serbia at any cost! The impact was mesmerizing.

Th: Isn’t that the same thing that occurred in Egypt when Nasser declared all the Jews should be driven into the Red Sea? Suddenly, didn’t he become a nationalistic hero?

Mr. M: Not at all. You don’t understand. This is unique to us.

Th: Sounds like mass hysteria to me, mania, the group bonding to ward off feelings of dependency and helplessness.

Mrs. M: What do you mean mania? Even the most conservative statesmen become entranced to the awe of my husband.

Th: But in all due respect to you, Mrs. M., your husband is also known to be a pathological liar, a man who commits atrocities, one who never keeps promises or will do anything to maintain power.

Mrs. M: My husband is a very charming honorable man. He mesmerizes even American congressmen. Whoever meets my husband and looks him in the eye becomes totally smitten.

Th: But your husband has slaughtered thousands of Kosovars, and hundreds of thousands were expelled or fled Kosovo.

Mr. M: This doesn’t matter, many returned after the peacekeeping forces arrived.

Th: So you are saying your husband has a way of manipulating and seducing people by projecting into them some vulnerable part of himself, which you then confuse with honesty and integrity?

Mrs. M: How dare you suggest my husband is a manipulator?

Th: Your husband is a very clever man, he knows how to hook into the unconscious collective group fantasies or group myths of the people!

Mrs. M: You don’t know what you’re talking about. They are not fantasies. They are realities. After losing thirteen wars, his approval ratings soared.

Th: No wonder you feel confused and betrayed.

Mr. M: It doesn’t matter, I will do anything to help my country regain power. I’m proud to protect the Serbs.

Th: Even it means a continuation of mass murders?

Mrs. M: How dare you?

Th: To meet these unconscious fantasies, the two of you have joined in a collusive bond, a folie a deux, hand in hand marching to the tune of your own private madness.

Mr. M: I don’t know why I sit here and listen to your insults.

Th: I think this madness is linked to your vulnerability, and the need to ward off feelings of helplessness you both experienced in your childhood. Now you think you are protecting the Serbs, as you wish you had been protected. Now the Kosovars are the victims, the dirty squirmy people, and you now all big and omnipotent.

Mrs. M: Madness? It is not madness I equate with helplessness. I have had my share of feeling helpless. My mother died for nationalistic causes. I had to care for my grandparents. I never had a childhood. I was always the caretaker, but without your “madness” I feel dead inside.

Mr. M: I agree. We need the excitement. It is this excitement that keeps us alive.

Th: So there is some kind of erotic excitement in being the all-powerful leader.

Mrs. M: (Sitting erect and suddenly coming to life). Yes, that’s right! That’s right! That’s what we do, so we don’t feel dead inside. Now we know we are alive!

Th: So you are aroused by your husband’s aggression. Is this why you go along with his destructive acts?

Mrs. M: (Self-righteously). What you call aggression, I call courage. Yes, it does excite me. I encouraged my husband to do things, to be an architect, to go into politics. But I’m the one who really should be in politics.

Th: So you live through him?

Mrs. M: I don’t live through him. I am him. We are one.

Th: Let me conclude today’s session. You both share a delusional system akin to Siamese twins tied at the borders of victimization and denial. You are inseparable, each one living emotionally inside the psychic space of the other, without any ego boundaries. You are both depressed, have had morbid childhood’s, many losses. Both have assigned yourselves to caretaker roles, not having “good enough” parenting, you have become your own “good” parents. You, Mr. Milosevic, have had a later loss of your parents. Mrs. Milosevic, you have suffered an earlier loss, and avenge the death of your mother through your husband’s aggression. But both of you have capitalized on your own victimized childhood. You both were lonely children, products of unhappy families, and have created your own singular world. In order to offset the emptiness in your lives, it is better to kill, mutilate, slaughter, and destroy.

Final Analysis

This study, featuring psychoanalytic and psychohistorical perspectives, sought to elucidate the recent dramatic and traumatic events in the Balkans through an examination of the personalities of the Serb first couple, the interaction between them, and the dynamics of the relationship between the Serb leader and Serb masses, against the background of their child rearing practices and treatment of women. We now come to our final analysis. After discussing theorists, psychodynamics, culture, and our Balkan couple, where does this all lead? The answer is as simple as it is complex.

Does Klein’s distinction between the “good breast” and the “bad breast” throw light on the pernicious effects of Balkan child rearing practices? Do Bion’s and Freud’s ideas about group psychology contribute to the understanding of this conflict? Do Fairbairn’s ideas further our knowledge why people in groups will remain forever faithful to painful bad internal introjects? Can we attribute poor child rearing practices to leaders who play out their own abusive childhoods? Does my formulation of the narcissistic/borderline couple help to understand the interaction between the Serb couple? The answer to all these questions is in the affirmative, as demonstrated in this analysis.

The skeptic might ask who we are to decide what an abusive childhood is in another culture. In my analysis, it seems reasonable to predict that children who are forced to relinquish their childhood at a young age, before the ego has a chance to maturate, enact roles their immature psyches are not prepared for. These children remain forever developmentally stuck. These are the “little adults,” those who are coerced to perform adult tasks much too early and much too soon, as in the case of our infamous couple, who assigned themselves to caretaker roles. Without having any understanding of the psychodynamic process, somehow in their folie a deux, they instinctively understand how to play-out these shared collective fantasies.

In the Balkans, as in other repressed societies, lies the yearning for deprived groups to identify with aggressive/perilous leaders who for a while play act the role of an omnipotent, grandiose, fantasized daddy/leader promising hope and security. The people of Serbia who have been massively abused, are inclined to choose a phallic leader like Milosevic, whose grandiose delusions around revenge resonate with many of the group’s shared collective rage and revengeful fantasies. In politics, there is a dialectic between desire and aggression, similar to what transpires in marital love bonds. When Milosevic offers promises of hope or fulfillment of unconscious repressed needs, his followers become intoxicated by his power. If he fails, these same followers would then seek to “kill the patriarch.” Moreover, Milosevic brilliantly portrays the role as caretaker, that this fantasy role intoxicates the Serbs. This dovetails with the fascination between leaders and group members, a man who uses his power to mesmerize an entire nation into submission. By forming an over-identification with his wife’s plight, Milosevic geared for the relentless drive to find revenge at any cost, he becomes his wife’s rescuer and longed for provider. In the dance of the couple, he extracts a sense of omnipotence and power, and becomes a national hero, as he reconciles his vulnerable self under the pinafore of his wife’s relentless rage, the desire to revenge those who killed her mother. As the drama unfolds, he no longer feels vulnerable. Omnipotence becomes the replacement for weakness and a major defensive operation, as he enacts the role of savior/messianic leader for the Serbs.

Thus, as the curtain closes on the Balkan drama, another drama will begin: different players, different time and space, but the same script repeating itself again and again. Perhaps our blend of psychohistory and psychoanalysis can offer further insights for other conflicts, and will contribute to a new resolution to this age-old tragic saga.

References

Bion, W. (1959). Experiences in groups. London: Tavistock.

Bowlby, J. (1982). Attachment and loss. Vol 1: Attachment (rev. ed.). New York: Basic Books.

DeMause, L. (1974). The history of childhood. New York: Psychohistory Press.

DeMause, L. (2000). The Kosovo crisis. Psychohistory News, 18 (3).

Doder, D. (1999). Portrait of a tyrant. New York: Simon & Schuster.

Fairbairn, W.R.D. (1940). Schizoid factors in the personality: An object relations theory of the personality. New York: Basic Books, 1952

Freud, S. (1955). Group psychology and the analysis of the ego. In J. Strachey (Ed. and trans.), The standard edition of the complete works of Sigmund Freud (Vol. 18, pp. 67-43).London: Hogarth Press.(Original work published 1921)

Gay, P. (1986). Freud: A life for our time. New York: Norton.

Kernberg, O. (1992). Aggression in personality disorders and perversity. New Haven: Yale University Press.

Kernberg, O. (1995). Love relations. New Haven: Yale University Press.

Klein, M. (1957). Envy and gratitude. New York: Basic Books.

Lachkar, J. (1983). “The Arab-Israeli conflict: A psychoanalytic study.” Doctoral Dissertation. Los Angeles, California. International College.

Lachkar, J. (1992). The Narcissistic/Borderline Couple: A Psychoanalytic Perspective on Marital Conflict. New York: Brunner/Mazel.

Lachkar, J. (1993). Paradox of Peace: Folie a Deux in Marital and Political Relationships. The Journal of Psychohistory, 20 (3).

Lachkar, J. (1998). The Many Faces of Abuse: Treating the Emotional Abuse of High-Functioning Women. Northvale, NJ and London: Jason Aronson.

Lachkar, J. & Berton, P. (1997). “German and Japanese reactions to their acts of aggression during World War II,” paper presented at the Congress of the International Psychohistorical Association, Amsterdam.

Lansky, M. (1987). Shame in the family relationships of borderline patients.

In J. Grotstein, et al. (Eds.), The borderline patient: Emerging concepts in diagnosis, and psychodynamics and treatment (Vol. II, pp. 187-199). Hillsdale, NJ: Analytic Press.

Loewenberg, P. (1985). Fantasy and reality in history. New York: Oxford University Press. New York Times. (2000). May 27, p. 6Y.

Puhar, A. (1993). On childhood origins of violence in Yugoslavia. The Journal of Psychohistory. 21 (2), Fall.Puhar, A. (1994). Childhood nightmares and dreams of revenge. The Journal of Psychohistory. 22 (2), Fal

Silber, L. (1999). Milosevic family values. The Republic: August 30.

Winnicott, D.W. (1965). The maturational process and the facilitating environment. New York: International Universities Press.

Following a brief discussion of major theoreticians and primitive defenses and psychodynamics, I will describe child rearing practices and treatment of women in Serbia, provide biographical data on our couple, and analyze their relationship. At the end, I enacted a dramatization, a “Fantasy Analysis” of what would occur if the Milosevic couple came in for conjoint treatment. It offers a mock session which is not an example of the therapist’s technique, reverie, or empathy. Its relevance is of a psychohistorical nature, rather than a psychotherapeutic one.

 

Copyright 2004 by Joan Lachkar, Ph.D.

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